
But now we turn right to see what conservatives think could occur if he wins. Itโs a journey from sunshine into shadow, but it doesnโt have to play out that way. There are, however, lots of non-rosy scenarios, and plenty of facts to support them.
With the Heritage Foundation saying the United States has dropped to 10thย place in the world in overall economic freedom, our nation faces a new challenge to its liberty that again comes from domestic political strife.
Yes, there continue to be many foreign challenges as well. But for today, letโs ponder the meaning of Heritageโs description of our current economy: โ(The U.S.) score is 1.5 points lower than last year, reflecting deteriorating scores for government spending, freedom from corruption, and investment freedom. The U.S. is ranked second out of three countries in the North America region, and its overall score remains well above the world and regional averages.โ
But, Heritage reports, โThe U.S. economy faces enormous challenges. Although the foundations of economic freedom remain strong, recent government interventions have eroded limits on government, and public spending by all levels of government now exceeds one-third of total domestic output.โ
The United States has fallen into Heritageโs second tier of nations, rated only โmostly free,โ with Hong Kong (part of Red China!) taking the top rank among the worldโs most-free economies. We have also fallen behind Singapore, Australia, New Zealand, Switzerland, Canada, Chile, Mauritius (!) and Ireland.
To no great surprise, burdensome bureaucratic regulations are a big part of the problem: โThe regulatory burden on business continues to increase rapidly, and heightened uncertainty further increases regulationsโ negative impact. Fading confidence in the governmentโs determination to promote or even sustain open markets has discouraged entrepreneurship and dynamic investment within the private sector.โ
But thereโs more. Freedom covers a larger territory than that part of life denominated in dollars, and political analyst Michael Barone this week found in Obamaโs scorn for the constitutional requirements for recess appointments an assertion of presidential power that betrays his contempt for established process: โWhat gives the head of the executive branch the authority to decide whether one house of the legislative branch is conducting serious business? Can the president decide that the quality of Senate debate is so poor on any particular day that he may deem it to be in recess?โ
Obama, he concludes, is bordering on โone-manโ rule, and adds, โThe Framers thought it more important to limit power than for government to act quickly. Barack Obama disagrees. Republican presidential candidates have beenย praising the Founding Fathers, he has been defying them. Interesting contrast.โ
Also seeing the contrast are a pair of academics writing for the conservative urban policy magazine City Journal. Fred Siegel of St. Francis College in Brooklyn and Joel Kotkin of Chapman University see โThe New Authoritarianismโ heading our way.
They quote Obamaโs explanation that, โwhere Congress is not willing to act, weโre going to go ahead and do it ourselves,โ as expressing โan authoritarian trend emerging on the political left since the conservative triumph in the 2010 elections.โ
The conclusion on the progressive side seems to be that, as Joe Klein of Time magazine put it, Democrats are governing a โnation of dodosโ that is โtoo dumb to thrive,โ and needs the oversight, the authors say, โof a European-style governance by a largely unelected bureaucratic class.โ
Supplanting the restrictions of the Constitution with the โneeds of a changing political environmentโ and boosted by support from economic sectors such as labor unions and โBig Greenโ businesses dependent on high levels of government subsidy, Obama has a decent shot at re-election, Seigel and Kotkin conclude.
If that happens, โ2013 could possibly bring something approaching a constitutional crisis,โ with some Obama supporters, such as U.S. Rep. Jesse Jackson Jr., saying he is justified in taking power into his own hands because Republicans in Congress are in a โstate of rebellionโ similar to the South in 1861.
The mechanisms of control for a โsoft version of the Chinese modelโ already exist, the authors say, in the form of new policy czars and regulatory enforcers put in place over the past three years.
โWhole industries — notably the burgeoning oil and natural gas sectors,โ now poised for a huge boom, could be โstrangledโ by the EPA, โdragging whole regions into recession.โ Obamaโs rejection of the vitally important Keystone XL pipeline from Canada this week is a form of stragulation, and serves to keep us heavily dependent on foreign energy sources.
In addition, โexpansions of affirmative action, gay rights and abortion rights could become mandated from Washingtonโ far beyond their current scope.
Without strong, focused opposition, the authors say, the exercise of โrelentless executive power could lead to a nation mirroring the fate of California,โ where โObama-style progressives rule without effective opposition (and) the (political and cultural) clerisy has already enacted a score of regulatory mandates that are chasing businesses, particularly in manufacturing, out of the state.โ
At the national level, that would become chasing business out of the country, and the result would be, not a return to growth and prosperity, but โgrowing pessimism and polarization.โ
We may or may not โall be Keynesians now,โ quoting the infelicitous phrase by which Richard Nixon once disclosed his lack of economic understanding.
But if things donโt change, it is apparent we all will share in the prosperity of Greece, the bright future of Italy, the dynamism of Spain, the moral authority of Sweden — and, worst of all, the political culture of Chicago.
Itโs a well-trodden path, and the only way to avoid it is by not electing the people for whom it is a socialistโs dream and not a freedom-loverโs nightmare.
M.D.ย Harmonย is a retired journalist and a freelance writer. He can be contacted at:



