National gun control groups and some Maine legislators are using lies and deception to push legislation that is a covert takeover of the Second Amendment. Few pieces of legislation can be described as the end game; LD 1821 comes close.
LD 1821, titled An Act to Ensure Responsible Business Practices by Licensed Firearm Dealers, may sound good to the average Mainer, but what lies within the bill — and outside our borders — tells a complex story of voter deception, sophisticated political strategy, and a cynical contempt for the Second Amendment of the U.S. Constitution.
LD 1821 proposes strict new mandates for Maine firearm dealers that include security systems, record retention, site hardening, mandatory posting of laws, and unfettered access to dealer records. In addition, LD 1821 contains strict new penalties that can strip a dealer of their license and firearm rights by making them a felon.
To understand what is really going on, look to New Mexico, where similar — but more motive-revealing — legislation is poised to pass its legislature.
In full disclosure, the Sportsman’s Alliance of Maine (SAM) holds a Federal Firearms License (FFL), which we use to process firearms for our raffles. We know and understand the federal laws and regulations governing firearm dealers. They are strict, comprehensive, and enforced. Federal Firearms Licenses are regulated and enforced by the U.S. Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF). Ironically, everything proposed in LD 1821 seems to usurp ATF’s federal authority. Essentially, some Maine legislators are attempting to hijack federal authority to regulate firearm sales to achieve their own political gains.
So why is LD 1821 so important to gun control advocates? Without LD 1821, these extremists cannot enforce bans on guns, ammunition, or firearm accessories. In other words, they don’t know which firearms Americans or Mainers possess, so they can’t effectively confiscate them. LD 1821 solves that problem.
In order to confiscate certain guns, there must be a comprehensive database of gun owners accessible to state law enforcement. In addition, the state must have the ability to bring licensed firearm dealers to heel. That is why they need this new regulatory structure with its severe penalties. Such a firearm owner database already exists, but it resides only in individual, private FFL dealers’ possession. These detailed firearm records go back decades. By federal law, access to this database is heavily restricted and currently allowed mostly for investigative purposes. LD 1821 would give Maine law enforcement access to this database and provide the hammer they need to crush dealers who fight back.
New Mexico has a nearly identical bill working its way through its legislature. Like Maine, New Mexico Democrats hold a near supermajority in the House and Senate and have a Democratic governor. As in Maine, this one-party ruling class is a virtual breeding ground for gun control legislation.
In what critics describe as an act of political arrogance and overconfidence, national gun control advocates revealed their broader goals. In the New Mexico legislation, they not only propose an ATF-style regulatory takeover, but also added provisions that make gas-operated semi-automatic firearms illegal. The bill also bans .50 caliber firearms and magazines capable of holding more than 10 rounds. In addition, the proposed law requires comprehensive FFL dealer reporting and mandatory, unannounced inspections by state law enforcement. Everything is in place to complete what opponents describe as a takeover of the Second Amendment’s individual right to own modern firearms in New Mexico: unfettered access to a database of nearly all firearm owners — including the types of firearms they own and every firearm transaction — along with complete control over every FFL dealer in the state.
This is how such a takeover would work under the New Mexico law. Semi-automatic firearms, .50 caliber guns, and magazines holding 10 or more rounds would be banned. The state would then need a way to confiscate those arms — initially through a voluntary buyback program, followed by mandatory compliance and confiscation.
Some gun owners would comply. For the rest, law enforcement could search FFL dealer records for individuals owning banned firearms and magazines. The state attorney general could then send letters to gun owners stating: “Our records show you own one or more firearms or firearm accessories banned under New Mexico law. You have three options: destroy these firearms and accessories, turn them in through a voluntary or involuntary buyback program, or send them out of state. Failure to comply is a violation of state law punishable by …” Takeover complete.
How would this work in Maine with passage of LD 1821? Critics argue that national gun control advocates know such a sweeping scheme would not easily pass in Maine. Scaling down LD 1821 to focus only on regulatory authority — excluding outright bans — is viewed by opponents as a calculated move. Their strategy, critics say, is to put the core regulatory structure in place while the broader long-term plan remains less visible.
Unlike Maine, New Mexico does not have a citizen-initiated petition process allowing voters to bypass the legislature to create laws. Opponents point to Maine’s past use of citizen initiatives, including the passage of a “Red Flag” law, as an example of how outside groups can influence policy. They argue that if LD 1821 passes, similar groups could later pursue citizen referendums targeting the same firearms and accessories outlined in the New Mexico law — and possibly others.
According to this view, the strategy allows elected officials to avoid difficult votes on controversial bans while outside organizations use the citizen initiative process to advance broader gun control measures.
Joseph LoPorto, an NRA-ILA State Director, warns of additional concerns. “In addition to being linked to bans on commonly owned semi-automatic firearms and accessories, LD 1821 is also a precursor to a larger national assault on the firearms industry itself,” he said. “Bills like LD 1821 are designed to create new liability standards for dealers and manufacturers. In other states, there is a growing movement to pass laws that circumvent the federal Protection of Lawful Commerce in Arms Act (PLCAA).”
He notes that such laws have passed in states like Illinois, California, and New Jersey, and that those states are pursuing lawsuits against businesses ranging from small brick-and-mortar retailers to major manufacturers such as Smith & Wesson, Glock, Sig Sauer, and Daniel Defense. Similar anti-PLCAA legislation has been introduced in Vermont and Massachusetts. “Whether through confiscation or the blanket destruction of the firearms industry itself,” LoPorto said, “the policy goals of legislation like LD 1821 are much larger than they appear.”
The lesson for those concerned about the Second Amendment, supporters say, is to pay attention to how their state representatives and senators intend to vote on LD 1821 this session. They urge constituents to voice concerns before the bill advances. LD 1821 is expected to be heard in March, and SAM says it will continue informing members through its legislative action alert network.
By David Trahan, Sportsman’s Alliance of Maine ILA Director
